The Saudi-led aggression coalition has escalated its targeting of civilians, committing a series of massacres that have killed and wounded at least 225 citizens over the past 3 days in Yemen. An escalation accompanied by the continuation of the efforts of the coalition to attract new mercenary fighters, hoping to turn the tide on the battlefield in Saudi favor, in a move that seemingly will not yield anything more than more destruction to Yemen’s infrastructure and more civilian massacres.
Despite the several reports about a possible reactivation of the negotiating process to stop the Saudi war on Yemen, the developments over the past three days in the field have weakened this possibility and brought to light the escalation plans that the coalition of aggression had prepared for its implementation.
Since Saturday, the coalition fighters have launched a hysterical campaign that killed dozens of civilians and wounded hundreds of others, without succeeding in radically changing anything on the front lines. The last chapter of the campaign was revealed yesterday evening with a massacre carried out by coalition war jets in the Directorate of Tahita in the province of Hodeidah, where they raided the house of a citizen, killing 14 civilians from one family. Earlier, a horrific massacre took place in the governorate of Taiz in the province of Taiz, where coalition fighters raided a popular market known as Souk Soukha, killing more than 100 people.
The Saudi aggression’s warplanes then launched more than 30 raids on Alkhokha district and its coasts where Apache planes implemented more than four sorties in the district and its suburbs. According to a Yemeni military official, a woman and a girl were killed in a raid on al-Jatham district in Razeh district of Saada province, while a woman, a man, and a child were seriously injured in a raid on the home of a citizen in Bani Ma’een area in the same district.
The Saudi warplanes continued their blatant aggression by carrying out seven raids on Boqa area of Kutaf district and a raid on Mandaba area in Baqem district in Saada province.
Yemeni military officials later said that the aggressive aircrafts launched a raid on the village of Eyal Mohammed in Nehm district, which led to the death of a citizen and the destruction of his home and caused damage in the nearby houses. Add to that a hostile air raid which struck Sabra Camp in Belad al-Ros district of Sana’a province.
Meanwhile, the Saudi aggression’s warplanes launched a raid on Bahra Mountain in Serwah district of Marib province, eight raids on the areas of Harad and Medi in Hajjah province, and a raid on the Red Mountain in the al-Zaher district of Jawf province. In Najran, the aggressive planes waged two raids on al-Tala’a site.
Ansarullah officials commented these massacres saying they were “evidence of the great failure that controls the Saudi regime and those who stand behind”, asserting, according to its spokesman, Mohamed Abdel Salam, that “the escalation of aggression can only be received and retaliated by the Yemenis on the frontlines”.
“The targeting of markets is unjustified,” Abdul Salam said in a comment on the Souk Soukha massacre. “We are facing a war in which the world has colluded against the Yemeni people.” He said that “the scream of the world from a Yemeni missile which targeted Riyadh reveals hypocrisy and silence in front of the crimes of arrogant aggressors”, recalling that “the missile which targeted Yamamah Royal Palace in Riyadh asserted that only deterrence can meet the crimes of Al Saud”.
Hadi, Al Islahis and the UAE
Meanwhile, the hassle raised by the decisions of the resigned president, Abed Rabbo Mansour Hadi, on Sunday evening, resulted in controversy on both the political and media levels. The controversy generated by Hadi’s decisions, which were based on an implicit understanding between Saudi Arabia and the UAE, is part of the arrangements needed to prepare the ground for a new round of battles in which the coalition hopes to gain momentum against Ansarullah.
According to the Lebanese daily Al Akhbar newspaper, Hadi’s decisions overthrew the last of the remaining faces of the «Southern Transition Council», which are allegiant to the UAE, from the structure of legitimacy in Yemen which are governor of Lahaj Nassir al-Khubji, governor of Dalia Fadl al-Ja’di and Minister of Transport Murad Al-Halimi, replacing the first two with southerners loyal to Hadi (new governor of Lahaj Ahmad Abdullah Al-Turki, and the new governor of Dali Ali Muqbel Saleh), and replacing the third by a fierce detractor of the UAE, writer and political analyst Saleh al-Jubwani.
On the other hand, Hadi’s second decision which stirred a lot of controversy was the removal of former governor of Taiz, Ali al-Maamari, who was opposed to cloning the UAE experience in his governorate as part of the “Taiz elite,” replacing him with a figure close to the family of former president Ali Abdullah Saleh, and to the UAE, businessman Ahmed Mahmoud who originates from the Directorate of Al-Masrakh.
Accordingly, it is possible to talk about a trade-off whereby the UAE would like to exclude its well-known men from the “reformist” party (Muslim Brotherhood’s Al Islah party), in exchange for strengthening its influence in areas of importance and sensitivity such as Taiz. However, this trade-off, if true, does not yet seem to bring, along with other measures intensified by the coalition, what Riyadh and Abu Dhabi desire.
It appears, until further notice, that there is a fluctuation in the attitude toward “Al Islahis” as part of the new Saudi-Emirati plan, especially after the meeting, which was held on Monday in Riyadh by party leader Mohammed al-Yidumi and his secretary-general, Abdulwahab al-Anisi, with Turkish Ambassador to Yemen, which in turn hinted a possible rapprochement between Al Islah’s wing in Saudi Arabia, and its Turkish-Qatari wing, which is still strongly opposing to engage in the battles of the West Coast and Sanaa.
However, the information obtained from reliable sources, hint that “Al Islah” are not unified with their stance and relationship with the UAE, and that in a short time Islahis cannot simply erase the traces of hatred that some of its leaders and its followers hold because of the eradication practiced by the UAE in recent years. Especially since many of the leaders of the party are still doomed to unknown in the secret prisons of the UAE in southern Yemen.
The UAE leadership, which lately has been speaking of flexibility in reviewing its Yemeni alliances, has now put the “brotherhood” in Yemen (Islahis) before the test of secession from the Central Brotherhood Leadership (mainly in Turkey and Qatar), in an attempt to grab from Islahis a full allegiance for the UAE rather for the central command of the brotherhood which is seemingly a very difficult goal to attain.